Conventional wisdom holds that large margins of electoral victory contribute to presidential power. How does this variation in power impact U.S. foreign policy? I argue here that presidents who win elections by a substantial margin authorize the use of substantial military force more regularly, but do so at the expense of personal diplomacy and low-level crisis engagement. This distinction stem...

Previous research has shown that perceptual relations, social affiliations, and geographical locations can be predicted using distributional semantics. We investigated whether this extends to chronological relations. In several computational studies we demonstrated that the chronological order of days, months, years, and the chronological sequence of historical figures can be predicted using la...

Formulas to predict presidential greatness on the Maranell index were constructed for 29 presidents from Washington to L. Johnson. When a Zeitgeist variable, derived from the historian A. M. Schlesinger, Jr.'s (1986) work on the public purpose-private interest cycle of American political history, served as the initial predictor and stepwise selection was made from a personological pool and then...

Abstract Presidents' unilateral sway over policy is of global concern to scholars, practitioners and the general public. While pending actions provoke media speculation about how much authority presidents have change without legislatures, scholarship has yet systematically measure presidential discretion across areas public policy. This study surveys an interdisciplinary panel using discrete ch...

Black community college presidents are not exempt from racialized experiences as they promote equitable student success. This study explores the unique of leaders who advocate for policies, practices, and procedures that equity social justice at their institutions in communities. Together, applied critical leadership (ACL) principles race theory (CRT) underpin research presented this chapter he...

This study investigates why, despite the potential credibility enhancement associated with generating domestic audience costs, leaders (in this instance, U.S. presidents) frequently opt to “go private” by conducting foreign policy out of the public spotlight. The author argues that they do so for two primary reasons: (1) public scrutiny disproportionately raises the potential political price of...

In a recent article Goren (American Journal of Political Science, 46, 627–641, 2002) draws upon theories of negativity bias, partisan bias, and motivated reasoning to posit that the more strongly people identify with the opposition party of a presidential candidate, the more heavily they will rely on character weakness impressions to construct global candidate evaluations. This paper modifies t...