In this paper, I examine two restrictions on the syntax of Tohono O'odham. I propose a reanalysis of these restrictions as following from prosodic considerations, rather than syntactic ones. When these restrictions are viewed as derived by the prosody, we unify the two cases of distributional facts. In contrast, a syntactic treatment of the restrictions shows them to be arbitrary and unrelated....

This paper shows that Error-Driven Constraint Demotion (EDCD), an errordriven learning algorithm proposed by Tesar (1995) for Prince and Smolensky’s (1993) version of Optimality Theory, can fail to converge to a totally ranked hierarchy of constraints, unlike the earlier non-error-driven learning algorithms proposed by Tesar and Smolensky (1993). The cause of the problem is found in Tesar’s use...

This paper revives old descriptive data on Awa, a Papuan language of the Kainantu group. The tonal system was described in detail by Loving (1973), where he reports a series of toneless noun suffixes, falling into six classes depending on their tonal alternations when combined with a noun root. This paper demonstrates that the suffixes are best understood as carrying lexical tone; the alternati...

This article describes an approach to connectionist language research that relies on the development of grammar formalisms rather than computer models. From formulations of the fundamental theoretical commitments of connectionism and of generative grammar, it is argued that these two paradigms are mutually compatible. Integrating the basic assumptions of the paradigms results in formal theories...

In this paper I propose cyclic and stratal extensions to FiniteState Optimality Theory as treatments for vowel harmony and for opaque phenomena more generally. I develop a model of grammar and an accompanying set of constraints within a software model built on the opensource PyPhon toolkit—a computational implementation of OT’s Gen and EVAL algorithms. 0 Constraint-based grammars and typology S...

A central assumption of classical Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993) is that constraint domination is strict. That is, if constraint A outranks constraints B and C (A >> B, C), then a candidate output that violates A can never be favored over one that satisfies A but violates B and/or C, no matter how many violations of B and C occur. Tableau (1) illustrates the familiar scenario of ...

This article shows that Error-Driven Constraint Demotion (EDCD), an error-driven learning algorithm proposed by Tesar (1995) for Prince and Smolensky’s (1993/2004) version of Optimality Theory, can fail to converge to a correct totally ranked hierarchy of constraints, unlike the earlier non-error-driven learning algorithms proposed by Tesar and Smolensky (1993). The cause of the problem is foun...

of the Thesis Evaluation, Implementation, and Extension of Primitive Optimality Theory by Daniel Matthew Albro Master of Arts in Linguistics University of California, Los Angeles, 1997 Professor Edward P. Stabler, Chair Eisner's (1997a) Primitive Optimality Theory is a simple formal model of a subset of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993). The work presented here implements this model...