Presuppositional variance and aspectual meaning

Information structure is normally considered to be orthogonal to the syntaxsemantics interface. However, in this paper, I argue that aspectual operators in Russian, notably the imperfective aspect with complete event interpretations, are sensitive to information structure. My goal is to show how the imperfective aspect can be used either to assert or presuppose the existence of a complete event of the type described by the VP, without positing ambiguity of the aspectual operator. In a compositional framework, this implies that we need something like a -partitioning already at the VP-level, which is input to the aspectual operator. I also suggest how this combined approach to aspect and information structure could be extended to account for aspectual usage in nondeclarative sentences.